See also:
Toward A 21st Century Taxicab Regulatory Framework:
The Case of Madison
Samuel R. Staley directs the Urban Futures Program for the Reason Public Policy Institute, a nonprofit, nonpartisan education and research organization based in Los Angeles.
Introduction
The taxi industry is one of the most highly regulated industries on the local level. While many taxicab regulations were instituted as an attempt to improve service quality, the historical legacy has been lower service quality and industry competitiveness. This occurs because local regulations create substantial barriers to entry that protect a small number of established firms (creating an "oligopoly"). Many of these barriers have little impact on service quality and create inefficiencies in the taxicab industry, reducing profitability and competitiveness. Furthermore, regulations that prevent new firms from entering a market severely limit business ownership opportunities in the industry, particularly for low income and minority populations.
Deregulation Impacts and Directions for Reform
Since taxi entrepreneurs need little formal education to be effective and productive, the taxicab business is well suited to the skills and income needs of many in the lower tiers of the economic system. Once Indianapolis deregulated its taxi industry, for example, 32 new companies emerged within the first six months. Three fourths of these companies were owned by minorities and women. Now, seven years after deregulation, Indianapolis remains committed to its deregulation strategy. In Denver, the start-up company Freedom Cab now employs more than 100 drivers that cater to underserved and largely minority markets ignored by a cartel protected by the state public utilities commission for more than 45 years.
Thus, in many cases, taxicab regulations have a double negative effect: consumers suffer because regulations stifle competition to protect existing cab companies, and potential entrepreneurs are prevented from opening their business to create new wealth in the community.
Historically, the relaxation of taxicab regulations results in the following industry and service impacts:
The number of taxicab companies, cars, and drivers increased by 23 percent on average.
Poorer, mainly minority areas received more frequent and often higher quality services.
Minority and women taxicab drivers became empowered by starting their own businesses.
The negative impact of local regulations on economic opportunity is often an artifact of the way local (and state) ordinances are designed and implemented. Taxicab ordinances were written when regulators considered taxicabs (and other transportation services) utilities. As a result, taxicab regulations followed traditional regulatory schemes, often limiting competition and access for new companies, tightly regulating fares and rates, and defining key elements of business operations such as hours of operations and location.
Shifting the regulatory focus from protecting existing companies to monitoring taxicab performance could improve services to consumers as well as create economic opportunities among less educated, poor, and minority populations.
Taxicab regulation in Madison
Taxicab regulations in Madison, Wisconsin are detailed in Section 11.06 of the city code, "Licensing and Regulating Public Passenger Vehicles, for Hire." Several features of this ordinance stand out as unnecessary regulatory burdens on start-up entrepreneurs. If stringent enough, regulations effectively impose a "cap" on the number of taxis and companies by creating significant financial, political, bureaucratic, and administrative barriers that add costs to starting a new business. Economic opportunities are most severely limited for poor and minority groups that typically have the few resources to devote to the maze of red tape, hearings, and approvals. These regulations may be partially responsible for the decline in the number of legal taxicab companies in Madison from seven in 1979 to just three in 2000. In addition, and perhaps more importantly, these regulations limit the ability of the taxi industry to adapt to a dynamic transportation market.
Among the more important regulatory obstacles to creating a taxicab company in Madison are:
Company licensing fees [Sec. 11.06(4)(a)]. The City of Madison has dramatically increased the financial barriers to starting up a new taxicab company in Madison by imposing a $1,500 licensing fee for new companies. Prior to July 1, 1998, city fees of $125 per company were in line with many other cities. A survey of eight Ohio cities, for example, found that the cost of licensing a new company ranged from $25 in Youngstown to $75 in Columbus to $250 in Akron (with a $10 surcharge for each additional vehicle). Only the city of Dayton charged fees that exceeded Madison's current level ($250 per car). Moreover, Madison has instituted a renewal fee of $500. These fees compound the effects of other regulatory barriers and obstacles.
Public hearings on new cab company applications [Sec. 11.06(4)(b)]. Public hearings should be reserved for deliberating regulatory policy rather than performing routine, administrative functions and micromanaging an industry. Madison's ordinance is unduly open on public hearings, allowing virtually anyone to object to a new applicant irrespective of conflicts of interest and tangible impacts by the proposed business. Criteria granting licenses should be clear and objective, enabling taxicab licenses to be processed administratively. Criteria for approval should be limited to performance issues directly tied to the quality of service provided. This minimizes the likelihood licenses will be approved or rejected for political reasons.
Public convenience and necessity [Sec. 11.06(4)(e)]. This provision has been used in numerous cities to prevent entry into the taxicab industry, from Cincinnati to Atlanta to Denver. For example, in Denver, Colorado, a cartel of three taxicab businesses shut out new competition for more than 45 years by convincing the state utility commission existing companies had the capacity to serve any public need for taxi service.
In Madison, the presumption is against new taxicab businesses since the Transit and Parking Commission must make a positive affirmation that the new business serves the "public welfare, convenience and necessity." This makes entrepreneurship – defined as the discovery of new market opportunities – difficult and in some cases impossible. Small businesses are conceived and started on innate knowledge of the market and expectations about what kinds of services consumers want and are not provided by current providers.
Subjecting new business start-ups to political approval means entrepreneurs must a) reveal the nature of their market opportunity to their competitors and b) articulate a compelling case for their business. These principles operate contrary to the nature of entrepreneurship and the realities of market-based innovation. In market economies, consumers determine what services will be provided, not politically appointed commissions.
Twenty-four hour service requirement [Sec. 11.06(7)(a)]. This provision is neither efficient nor appropriate in a modern era driven by technology. This regulatory obstacle presumes that part-time operations are neither viable nor desirable. In fact, specialized and part-time operations are particularly well suited to meet consumer needs in the personal transportation market. With pagers and mobile cell phones, drivers can be dispatched anywhere in the city conveniently and cost effectively. Owner operators can respond to calls and service requests personally at anytime of the day or night. Some services that specialize in serving bar or student-centered activities might only be viable on a part-time basis or during specific times of the year. Part-time operations have the advantage of filling unmet demand for transportation services while also providing competition to existing services.
Twenty-four hour service requirements also impose substantial up-front costs on new companies, requiring investments in additional cars, drivers, and equipment before a market is well established. A case study of similar regulations in Dayton, Ohio found that a start-up cab company would incur additional costs of at least $15,935 to purchase cars and insurance, and meet licensing requirements as a direct result of a 24-hour service provision. These costs did not include operating costs such as vehicle maintenance and fuel. A full-time service regulation, in effect, requires new companies to "overcapitalize," making their ventures riskier and more difficult to start. Entrepreneurs with low income and education levels but substantial industry experience are particularly hard hit by these regulations.
Citywide service requirement [Sec. 11.06(7)(a)]. This provision limits the ability of the taxicab market to meet targeted, specific needs. More specifically, minority and low-income neighborhoods of traditional cities tend to be the most underserved areas. Taxicab companies can emerge to fill specialized niche services: handicapped transportation, neighborhood transportation, or even business specific transportation services (e.g., contract transportation with local bars or restaurants). Freedom Cab in Denver is a case in point. Requiring citywide service reduces the likelihood these kinds of niche taxi services can evolve.
Driver hours of operation [Sec. 11.06(7)(b)]. This provision also limits the flexibility and adaptability of the local taxi industry. For instance, an owner-operator of a part-time taxi service would technically violate this provision of the ordinance if she had a 24-hour pager but only received a few calls a day.
Similarly, other seemingly less intrusive regulations may negatively impact economic opportunities in the taxicab market. Current regulations, for example, require drivers and companies (Sec. 11.06(9)) to have a interior and exterior markings that permanently identify a car as a cab. The intent of this regulation is to ensure consumers are fully informed about the cab and the fare charged, a laudable and important goal. On the other hand, this regulation inhibits the ability of cab drivers to use personal vehicles as part-time cabs. This regulation could be modified to require exterior markings only when the cab is in service as a taxi, allowing drivers to take their car out of service and use them for non-taxi purposes.
Toward performance-based regulations
Policymakers should seriously consider the negative impact local regulations have on innovation and flexibility. Specialized, niche markets (e.g., for students, the elderly, or the disabled) may benefit from having companies enter the market that focus exclusively on their needs, whether on a full- or part-time basis. By limiting entry, local regulations may have the unintended consequence of stifling innovation, encouraging existing firms to focus on the overall market (the "average" consumer) rather than the needs of specific individuals that make up a smaller, potentially less lucrative sector of the market (the "marginal" consumer). Thus, in an attempt to improve the average quality of service, local regulations may in fact discourage the provision of high quality services to specific segments of the market and weaken market accountability.
The combined effect of Madison's local regulations creates a hostile regulatory climate for taxicab entrepreneurs. Economic opportunities are reduced while the dynamic elements of a market economy that ensure consumer needs are met are compromised.
Madison's taxicab ordinance can be reformed to ensure quality services are provided while also expanding economic opportunities for residents. This requires a paradigmatic shift in thinking about taxicab regulation toward a performance-based approach.
Rather than focusing on micromanaging the structure of the industry – service requirements, hours of operations, etc. – the city should focus on whether taxicab companies provide the type and quality of service they advertise to consumers. In essence, this requires the city of Madison to focus on the following aspects of taxicab regulation:
Limiting hearings to complaints from consumers (not competitors) and broad policy questions;
Ensuring accurate and complete consumer information about rates and the past performance of drivers and companies;
Implementing administrative licensing to streamline permit processing and minimize the politicization of business development;
Inspecting cabs for health and safety violations to protect consumers from fraud and unscrupulous fly-by night operations; and
Ensuring cab companies are bonded and insured against liability.
The city of Madison can eliminate unnecessary barriers to entry into the industry by:
Reducing the cab company license fee from $1,500 to a range closer to the industry standard (e.g., $150);
Repealing 24-hour and citywide service requirements;
Transforming licensing into an administrative process with clear, objective criteria;
Explicitly eliminating economic impact on current operators as a justification for denying a license to a new operator;
Eliminating the public convenience and necessity criteria for granting a new license, allowing consumers and markets to determine the number, type, and quality of taxi service provided;
Eliminating mandatory breaks in driver hours to enable part-time, owner-operator companies; and
Eliminating the requirement for permanent exterior markings and require markings only during times when the car is in service as a taxicab.
Taken together, these reforms provide a more entrepreneur friendly regulatory climate for the local taxi industry. They also create a regulatory framework more consistent with the dynamic, technology driven transportation sector that focuses on consumer needs. The experience of other cities suggests that consumers – particularly poor and minority neighborhoods – will benefit from increased access to transportation, and the city will benefit from greater economic opportunity for all citizens.
References
Staley, Sam. "How Cities Put the Brakes on Taxicabs," The Freeman (March, 1998), pp. 147-50.
Styring, Bill. "Taxicab Licensing in Indianapolis: The Situation and Economics," paper prepared for Regulatory Study Commission, City of Indianapolis, January, 1993.
Taxicab Regulation in Ohio's Largest Cities (Dayton, Ohio: The Buckeye Institute for Public Policy Solutions, October, 1996)
Williams, Walter. The State Against Blacks (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1982), pp. 75-88.